Tuesday 28 January 2014

Tells the Sudanese that they are Sudanese means nonsense!!!

Sudan’s Bashir disappoints as his speech brings no specific reform initiative
January 27 , 2014 (KHARTOUM) – The long awaited speech by the Sudanese president Omer al-Bashir on Monday night that was expected to unveil a major reform proposal, created a wave of disappointment among those who followed it including opposition leaders who were present.
Over the last week, officials in the government and Sudan’s ruling National Congress Party (NCP) upped the ante on Bashir’s speech suggesting it will carry an initiative of significant magnitude with far reaching ramifications for the country’s political and economic future.
But they also dismissed rampant speculations about Bashir’s intention to resign or delegate his powers to his recently appointed 1st Vice President Bakri Hassan Saleh.
They also ruled out the formation of a new inclusive government that brings on board major opposition parties in order to work on drafting a new constitution and prepare for elections.
The attendance of top opposition figures including former prime minister and head of the National Umma Party (NUP) al-Sadiq al-Mahdi, leader of the Popular Congress Party (PCP) Hassan al-Turabi and recently defected NCP figure who formed the Reform Now Party (RNP) Ghazi Salah al-Deen al-Attabani raised expectations of an imminent reconciliation between the NCP and its foes.
The NCP also invited diplomats and media representatives to the event which was held at the Chinese-built Friendship hall in Khartoum.
In his address which went on for almost an hour, Bashir said that the NCP is determined to take the lead to prepare the Sudanese for the "leap "towards national reconciliation and expressed readiness for dialogue with all sides of the political spectrum including rebel groups through he stressed that the latter must first renounce violence.
Bashir argued that the challenge facing the political forces is their ability to give precedence to national loyalty over "narrow" party loyalty and also called for political competition for Sudan and not against the NCP.
As an example the Sudanese president noted that the NCP in its quest for peace signed the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) and Darfur peace accords of 2006 & 2011.
Bashir went on to say that the NCP recognizes that more reform is required to advance the political agenda of liberalization of political work that would expand the scope of participation.
He emphasized that economic development will not be possible without establishing peace. In that respect he announced the establishment of an economic planning agency as part of the finance ministry, strengthening the role of the central bank, forming a national council for revenues and revising the formula for splitting federal resources.
The Sudanese leader also underscored the importance of developing indicators and general guidelines for economic renaissance that aims to fight poverty through upgrading the workforce competitiveness, providing cheap energy and focusing on the production of food crops.
OPPOSITION NOT IMPRESSED
The PCP’s chief al-Turabi told reporters afterwards that the president’s speech brought "nothing new" and lacked diagnosis of the problems facing Sudan and presented no fundamental solutions. He noted that Bashir spoke in very general terms in a slogan-filled language without any specifics that people can relate to.
Sudan’s official news agency (SUNA) which made the unusual move of publishing Turabi’s critical statements, quoted him as saying that the address omitted any talk about removing restrictions on freedoms and did not even meet the ambitions and aspirations of the Sudanese people as reflected by speculations carried by newspapers.
Turabi stressed that dialogue is the only way to resolve the political crises of Sudan adding that the PCP is willing to engage in dialogue without preconditions.
Al-Attabani who was expelled from the NCP late last year, said that Bashir spoke in abstract terms at a time when people expected more clarity.
Nonetheless the former presidential adviser said that there is still a chance if Bashir’s speech was presented as a preliminary roadmap that could form the basis for dialogue adding that he is assuming goodwill on the part of the ruling party.
Al-Mahdi refused to comment saying that his party will review the address first before issuing a formal response.
The NCP’s political secretary and the country’s investment minister Mustafa Osman Ismail sought to explain the lack of concrete proposals by saying that Bashir initially wanted to make the speech after first meeting with leaders of political parties.
But as a result of intense speculations, Ismail said that Bashir was forced to address the nation earlier than he wanted to.
He said that al-Bashir will meet with NUP leader al-Mahdi after returning from the African Union (AU) summit in Addis Ababa later this month.
In an indication of confusion within the ruling party, Rabie Abdel-Aati a senior NCP figure earlier told Reuters that Bashir would use the live television address to call for opposition groups to help redraw the constitution and join the government.
But while Bashir did say political parties should join dialogue on the constitution, he did not go further.
The veteran Sudanese leader who took power in an Islamist-backed military coup 25 years ago also gave no indication of his position on running for presidency in the 2015 elections.
Last year, Bashir reiterated his intention to step down at the end of his term next year and said that Sudan is in need of “fresh blood”. But later he hinted that he could run again for president, saying that his re-election will be determined by the NCP’s General Convention and the Shura Council.
In 2009 he became the first sitting head of state to be served with an arrest warrant from the ICC for war crimes and crimes against humanity allegedly committed in the Darfur conflict, which according to the UN, led to the death of 300,000 people and displacement of 2.7 million in 2003-2004.
Last month he conducted a cabinet shakeup which saw the departure of several longtime NCP figures including ex-VP Ali Osman Taha.
(ST)

Monday 27 January 2014

AFTER THE 26TH OF JAN 1885 WE STARTED FROM THE FIRST PAGE OF TWO DEVILS IN POWER.

Sudan awaits President Bashir’s speech on political reform
January 26, 2014 (KHARTOUM) – The Sudanese president Omer Hassan Al-Bashir will deliver a speech on Monday detailing the comprehensive political reform document prepared by the ruling National Congress Party (NCP).
Several senior political figures are expected to attend the speech including some from opposition parties.
The NCP’s political secretary and the country’s investment minister Mustafa Osman Ismail said in statements on Sunday that his party invited all political parties to attend this important speech, saying it contains positive indicators to improve the political process.
So far only the opposition National Umma Party (NUP) announced that it officially accepted the NCP’s invitation to attend the speech.
The NUP’s higher coordination council welcomed the invitation, saying that dialogue should be based on several standards including restoring state’s impartiality, launching a comprehensive peace process, agreeing on national solutions for the economy through a national economic conference.
It pointed to the need for developing independent and neutral national mechanisms to secure free and fair elections besides agreeing on foreign relations to further and protect national interests. The opposition also demanded the establishment of a national government that does not exclude anyone in order to carry out those standards.
The opposition alliance National Consensus Forces (NCF) on the other hand renewed its call for toppling the regime and establishing an interim government along with releasing all political detainees.
The NCF’s chairman, Farouq Abu-Issa, stressed that Sudan’s problems will not be resolved through surprises or gifts but through engaging in a comprehensive dialogue with the participation of all political forces including rebel groups.
The Secretary General of the rebel Sudan People’s Liberation Movement/North (SPLM-N) Yasser Arman, fiercely attacked president Bashir, saying his surprise to the Sudanese people is nothing but a deception attempt to avoid making real change.
In statements released on Sunday Arman noted that NCP leaders seek to exploit the reform slogan against change process in order to reproduce the old regime, emphasizing that modern states and societies are not built through surprises like circus performances.
Arman mentioned that Bashir rejected reform even within his own party and dismissed members who called for change including former presidential adviser Ghazi Salah al-Deen al-Attabani and Hassan Osman Rizg.
He further said that Bashir has domesticated the Sudanese Islamic Movement (IM) and called on him to recognize the political crisis and concur with all national partners on ways to resolve it, adding that recent government changes have taken conflict within the NCP to a new level.
Sudanese officials have for months been talking of an initiative being worked on by Bashir that would radically alter the political landscape and would accommodate all parties and groups in the country.
The visiting United States former president Jimmy Carter told reporters after meeting with Bashir on Tuesday that the latter informed him of his intention to declare "important" political decisions in the coming days but offered no details.
Some aspects of the lengthy reform document prepared by the NCP was revealed by the al-Ayam newspaper and included
• Reaching peace with internal rivals through dialogue that would also be incorporated in a new constitution;
• Democratic transformation that would see the people enjoying freedom of association, freedom to form political parties and freedom of expression among others;
• Launching a program for poverty reduction that would eliminate claims of marginalization;
• Resolving the issue of the country’s identity and making citizenship the basis of all rights
Some observers predicted that Bashir would dissolve the parliament and form a national transitional government while a new constitution is being drafted.
But the NCP’s deputy secretary of information Qubais Ahmed al-Mustafa described predictions of forming a transitional government as “mere exaggerations”.
Al-Mustafa said that Bashir would announce an integrated reform initiative reflecting readiness to engage in equitable dialogue with all political forces in order to produce tangible results on issues of constitution, national consensus, new initiatives and ideas making.
The speaker of the Sudanese parliament al-Fatih Izz al-Deen also dismissed forecasts that the national assembly would be dissolved but described the president’s upcoming speech as one that would carry surprises of comprehensive nature with significant impact on the public life.
He revealed that major transformations have been agreed upon between Bashir and unspecified political forces and the media that will be announced in due course.
" Change is twofold; part of it was associated with changing leadership and various government agencies," the speaker said.
"The change in policy would be surprising in terms of its coverage and comprehensiveness and its impact on the Sudanese street" he added.
Last December Bashir announced cabinet shakeup that saw the departure of several long-time NCP figures from their governmental posts including former vice-president Ali Osman Taha, presidential assistant and NCP vice-chairman Nafie Ali Nafie and Oil minister Awad al-Jaz.
(ST)

Saturday 25 January 2014

FALL OF KHARTOUM 26TH JAN1885.

Fall of KHARTOUM AND THE RISE OF MAHADI
DERWISH GAVE INDEPENDANT TO SUDAN ON 26 JAN. 1885

History of Sudan
Battle of Khartoum
Madhists defeat Egyptians
This city, defended by an Egyptian garrison under General Gordon, was invested by the Mahdi in the early part of 1884, and, after a gallant defense, was stormed January 26, 1885. The forerunners of the relieving force, consisting of the river gunboats under Lord Charles Beresford, arrived off the city on the 28th, two days too late, and after a brief engagement with the Mahdist batteries, returned down the river.
FORDHAM UNIVERSITY
Islamic History Sourcebook:
Alfred Egmont Hake:
The Death of General Gordon at Khartoum, 1885

[Tappan Introduction] In I882 there arose in the Soudan, a province of Upper Egypt, one Mohammed Ahmed, who called himself the Mahdi or Messiah, and invited all true believers to join in a holy war against the Christians. Thousands of wild tribesmen flocked to his banner, and in the following year he annihilated an army of eleven thousand English and Egyptians that had attempted to subdue the revolt. Rather than send more soldiers to die in the deserts of the Upper Nile, England decided to abandon the province. But first the thousands of Europeans who had taken refuge in Khartoum and other towns of the Soudan must be rescued from their perilous position. In this crisis the Government turned to the one man who could effect the withdrawal if it was still possible, and in January, 1884, appointed General Gordon to superintend the evacuation of the Soudan.
GENERAL GORDON arrived at Khartoum on February 18th, and spent his time between that date and the investment on March 12, in sending down women and children, two thousand of whom were sent safely through to Egypt, in addition to six hundred soldiers. It was stated by Sir Evelyn Baring (English consul-general to Egypt) that there were fifteen thousand persons in Khartoum who ought to be brought back to Egypt---Europeans, civil servants, widows and orphans, and a garrison of one thousand men, one third of whom were disaffected. To get these people out of Khartoum was General Gordon's first duty, and the first condition of evacuation was the establishment of a stable government in the Soudan. The only man who could establish that government was Zebehr. Gordon demanded Zebehr with ever-increasing emphasis, and his request was decisively refused. He had then two alternatives---either to surrender absolutely to the Mahdi, or to hold on to Khartoum at all hazards. While Gordon was strengthening his position the Mahdi settled the question by suddenly assuming the offensive. The first step in this memorable siege was the daring march of four thousand Arabs to the Nile, by which, on March 12, they cut off the eight hundred men at Halfaya, a village
to the north of Khartoum, from the city. A steamer was sent down to reconnoiter, and the moment she reached the front of the Arab position a volley was fired into her, wounding an officer and a soldier. The steamer returned the fire, killing five.
Thus hostilities began. "Our only justification for assuming the offensive," wrote General Gordon on March 13, "is the extrication of the Halfaya garrison." The Arabs, however, did not give him the chance. They cut off three companies of his troops who had gone out to cut wood, capturing eight of their boats, and killing or dispersing one hundred to one hundred and fifty men. They intrenched themselves along the Nile, and kept up a heavy rifle-fire. Retreat for the garrison was obviously impossible when the Arab force covered the river, the only line of retreat, with their fire. Twelve hundred men rere put on board two grain-barges, towed by three steamers defended with boiler plates, and carrying mountain-guns protected by wooden mantlets; and, with the loss of only two killed, they succeeded in extricating the five hundred men left of the garrison of Halfaya, and capturing seventy camels and eighteen horses, with which they returned to Khartoum.
The Arabs, however, held Halfaya, and on March 16 Gordon tried to drive them away. Advancing from a stockaded position covering the north front of the town, two thousand troops advanced across the open in square, supported by the fire of the guns of two steamers. The Arabs were retreating, when Hassan and Seid Pashas, Gordon's black generals, rode into the wood and called back the enemy. The Egyptians, betrayed by their officers, broke and fled after firing a single volley, and were pursued to within a mile of the stockade, abandoning two mountain guns with their ammunition---"sixty horsemen defeated two thousand men"---and leaving two hundred of their number on the field. After this affair he was convinced that he could not take the offensive, but must remain quiet at Khartoum, and wait till the Nile rose. Six days later, the black pashas were tried by court-martial, found guilty, and shot.
A very determined attack upon one of the steamers coming up from Berber, at the Salboka Pass, was beaten off with great slaughter, Gordon's men firing no fewer than fifteen thousand rounds of Remington ammunition. Meanwhile, his efforts to negotiate with the Mahdi failed. "I will make you Sultan of Kordofan," he had said on arrival to the Mahdi. "I am the Mahdi," replied Mahomet Ahmet, by emissaries who were "exceedingly cheeky," keeping their hands upon their swords, and laying a filthy, patched dervish's coat before him. "Will you become a Mussulman?" Gordon flung the bundle across the room, canceled the Mahdi's sultanship, and the war was renewed. From that day to the day of the betrayal no day passed without bullets dropping into Khartoum.
Gordon now set to work in earnest to place Khartoum in a defensible position. Ten thousand of the Madhi's sympathizers left Khartoum and joined the enemy. The steamers kept up a skirmishing fight on both Niles. All the houses on the north side of Khartoum were loopholed. A sixteen-pounder Krupp was mounted on a barge, and wire was stretched across the front of the stockade. The houses on the northern bank of the Blue Nile were fortified and garrisoned by Bashi-Bazouks. Omdurman was held and fortified on the west and Buri on the east. On March 25, Gordon had to disarm and disband two hundred and fifty Bashi-Bazouks who refused to occupy stockaded houses in a village on the south bank of the Blue Nile. The rebels advanced on Hadji Ali, a village to the north of the Nile, and fired into the palace. They were shelled out of their position, but constantly returned to harass the garrison. They seemed to Gordon mere rag-tag and bob-tail, but he dared not go out to meet them, for fear of the town. Five hundred brave men could have cleared out the lot, but he had not a hundred. The fighting was confined to artillery fire on one side, and desultory rifle-shooting on the other. This went on till the end of March. The Arabs clustered more closely round the town.
On April 19, Gordon telegraphed that he had provisions for five months, and if he only had two thousand to three thousand Turkish troops he could soon settle the rebels. Unfortunately, he received not one fighting man. Shendy fell into the hands of the Mahdi. Berber followed, and then for months no word whatever reached this country from Khartoum.
On September 29, Mr. Power's telegram, dated July 31, was received by the "Times." From that we gathered a tolerably clear notion of the way in which the war went on. Anything more utterly absurd than the accusation that Gordon forced fighting on the Mahdi cannot be conceived. He acted uniformly on the defensive, merely trying to clear his road of an attacking force, and failing because he had no fighting men to take the offensive. He found himself in a trap, out of which he could not cut his way. If he had possessed a single regiment, the front of Khartoum might have been cleared with ease; but his impotence encouraged the Arabs, and they clustered round in ever-increasing numbers, until at last they crushed his resistance. After the middle of April the rebels began to attack the palace in force, having apparently established themselves on the north bank.
The loss of life was chiefly occasioned by the explosion of mines devised by General Gordon, and so placed as to explode when trodden on by the enemy. Of all his expedients these mines were the most successful and the least open to any accusation of offensive operations. The Arabs closed in all round towards the end of April, and General Gordon surrounded himself with a formidable triple barrier of land torpedoes, over which wire entanglement and a formidable chevaux-de-frise enabled the garrison to feel somewhat secure. On April 27, Valeh Bey surrendered at Mesalimeh, a disaster by which General Gordon lost one steamer, seventy shiploads of provisions, and two thousand rifles.
General Gordon was now entirely cut off from the outside world, and compelled to rely entirely upon his his own resources. He sent out Negroes to entice the slaves of the Arabs to come over, promising them freedom and rations. This he thought would frighten the Arabs more than bullets. On April 26, he made his first issue of paper-money to the extent of ,2500 redeemable in six months. By July 30, it had risen to ,26,000 besides the ,50,000 borrowed from merchants. On the same day he struck decorations for the defense of Khartoum---for officers in silver, silver-gilt and pewter for the private soldiers. These medals bear a crescent and a star, with words from the Koran, and the date, with an inscription,---"Siege of Khartoum,"---and a hand-grenade in the center. "School-children and women," he wrote, "also received medals; consequently, I am very popular with the black ladies of Khartoum."
The repeated attacks of the Mahdi's forces on Khartoum cost the Arabs many lives. On May 25, Colonel Stewart was slightly wounded in the arm, when working a mitrailleuse near the palace. All through May and June his steamers made foraging expeditions up and down the Nile, shelling the rebels when they showed in force, and bringing back much cattle to the city. On Midsummer Day, Mr. Cuzzi, formerly Gordon's agent at Berber, but now a prisoner of the Mahdi's, was sent to the wells to announce the capture of Berber. It was sad news for the three Englishmen alone in the midst of a hostile Soudan. Undaunted, they continued to stand at bay, rejoicing greatly that in one, Saati Bey, they had, at least, a brave and capable officer.
Saati had charge of the steamers, and for two months he had uninterrupted success, in spite of the twisted telegraph wires which the rebels stretched across the river. Unfortunately, on July 10, Saati, with Colonel Stewart and two hundred men, after burning Kalaka and three villages, attacked Gatarnulb. Eight Arab horsemen rode at the two hundred Egyptians. The two hundred fled at once, not caring to fire their Remingtons, and poor Saati was killed. Colonel Stewart narrowly escaped a similar fate.
After July 31, there is a sudden cessation of regular communications. Power's journal breaks off then, and we are left to more or less meager references in Gordon's dispatches. On August 23, he sent a characteristic message, in which he announces that, the Nile having risen, he has sent Colonel Stewart, Mr. Power, and the French consul to take Berber, occupy it for fifteen days, burn it, and then return to Khartoum. All the late messages from Gordon, except a long dispatch of November 4, which has never been published, were written on tissue paper no bigger than a postage-stamp, and either concealed in a quill thrust into the hair, or sewn in the waistband of the natives employed. Gordon seems to have been the most active in August and September, when the Nile was high. He had eight thousand men at Khartoum and Senaar. He sent Colonel Stewart and the troops with the steamers to recapture Berber. A steamer which bore a rough effigy of Gordon at the prow was said to be particularly dreaded by the rebels. OnAugust 26, he reported that he had provisions for five months, but in the forays made by his steamer on the Southern Niles he enormously replenished his
stores. On one of these raids he took with him six thousand men in thirty-four boats towed by nine steamers.
After his defeat before Omdurman, the Mahdi is said to have made a very remarkable prophecy. He retired into a cave for three days, and on his return he told his followers that Allah had revealed that for sixty days there would be a rest, and after that blood would flow like water. The Mahdi was right. Almost exactly sixty days after that prophecy there was fought the battle of Abu Klea.
Stewart had by this time been treacherously killed on his way down from Berber to Dongola. Gordon was all alone. The old men and women who had friends in the neighboring villages left the town. The uninhabited part was destroyed, the remainder was inclosed by a wall. In the center of Khartoum he had built himself a tower, from the roof of which he kept a sharp lookout with his field-glass in the daytime. At night he went the rounds of the fortifications, cheering his men and keeping them on the alert against attacks. Treachery was always his greatest dread. Many of the townsfolk sympathized with the Mahdi; he could not depend on all his troops, and he could only rely on one of his pashas, Mehmet Ali. He rejoiced exceedingly in the news of the approach of the British relieving force. He illuminated Khartoum and fired salutes in honor of the news, and he doubled his exertions to fill his granaries with grain.
On December 14, a letter was received by one of his friends in Cairo from General Gordon, saying, "Farewell. You will never hear from me again. I fear that there will be treachery in the garrison, and all will be over by Christmas." It was this melancholy warning that led Lord Wolseley to order the dash across the Desert. On December 16 came news that the Mahdi had again failed in his attack on Omdurman. Gordon had blown up the fort which he had built over against the town, and inflicted great loss on his assailants, who, however, invested the city closely on all sides. The Mahdi had returned to Omdurman, where he had concentrated his troops. Thence he sent fourteen thousand men to Berber to recruit the forces of Osman Digma, and it was these men, probably, that fought the English relief army at Abu Klea.
After this nothing was heard beyond the rumor that Omdurman was captured and two brief messages from Gordon, sent probably to hoodwink the enemy, by whom most of his letters were captured. The first, which arrived January 1, was as follows: "Khartoum all right.---C. G. Gordon. December 14, I884." The second was brought by the steamers which met General Stewart at Mentemneh on January 21st: "Khartoum all right; could hold out for years.---C. G. Gordon. December 29." On January 26, Faraz Pasha opened the gates of the city to the enemy, and one of the most famous sieges
in the world's history came to a close. It had lasted from March 12 to January 26---exactly three hundred and twenty days.
When Gordon awoke to find that, through the treachery of his Egyptian lieutenant, Khartoum was in the hands of the Mahdi, he set out with a few followers for the Austrian consulate. Recognized by a party of rebels, he was shot dead on the street and his head carried through the town at the end of a pike, amid the wild rejoicings of the Mahdi's followers. Two days later the English army of relief reached Khartoum.

Source
From: Eva March Tappan, ed., The World's Story: A History of the World in Story, Song and Art, (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1914), Vol. III: Egypt, Africa, and Arabia, pp. 240-249.
Scanned by Jerome S. Arkenberg, Cal. State Fullerton. The text has been modernized by Prof. Arkenberg
Note: Many Western sources about Islamic countries exhibit what has come to be known as orientalism. The terms used ("Mohammedan" for instance rather than "Muslim"), and the attitudes exhibited by the writers need to be questioned by modern readers.

This text is part of the Internet Islamic History Sourcebook. The Sourcebook is a collection of public domain and copy-permitted texts for introductory level classes in modern European and World history.
Unless otherwise indicated the specific electronic form of the document is copyright. Permission is granted for electronic copying, distribution in print form for educational purposes and personal use. If you do reduplicate the document, indicate the source. No permission is granted for commercial use of the Sourcebook.
© Paul Halsall, November1998
halsall@fordham.edu

Tuesday 21 January 2014

IGAD will put the contendant in peace line.

SOUTH SUDAN ASSERT RIGHT TO CALL FOREIGN TROOPS
But South Sudanese government on Monday denied discussing with Khartoum the issue of the deployment of troops from neighboring Uganda, asserting it is a sovereign state.
“We have not received any official complaint about deployment of Uganda troops from the government of Sudan. The deployment of Uganda troops was based on the memorandum of understanding between the two sovereign states. We do not have to consult any country on the deployment of any forces”, a top government official told Sudan Tribune Monday.
The official, who did not want to be named, however, admitted that IGAD had recommended in the draft ceasefire withdrawal of the foreign forces in the country.
“Sudan is one of the IGAD member states which have recommended withdrawal of the foreign forces in the country in the draft ceasefire which we are still studying. It has not complained to us an individual state”, another diplomat at the South Sudanese ministry of foreign affairs and international cooperation said in a separate interview with Sudan Tribune on Monday.
Deputy foreign affairs and international cooperation Minister, Peter Bashir Gbandi, also affirmed that his country had not received official compliant from government of Sudan.
“South Sudan is a sovereign state and has a right to deal with any country”, Gbandi told Sudan Tribune Monday, saying they have not received any compliant from Sudan
(ST)

Monday 13 January 2014

So the Americans now mock there nose!


U.S. envoy met was co : the demands indicated impede reached Atfav .

01-13-2014 06:47 AM
ADDIS ABABA ( Reuters) - The U.S. envoy said on Sunday that the claim rebel leader in South Sudan , Riek Machar, the release of all detainees are still a stumbling block in front of Atfav reach a cease-fire in order to stop the violence in the country.

And fought government forces loyal to President Salva Kiir fighting for more than three weeks with rebels loyal to his former deputy, referred pushing the oil- exporting country to the brink of civil war .

Although the two sides held talks in the past few days in Addis Ababa in a bid to stop the shooting , but they have made little progress after the rejection of Kerr asked the rebels to release 11 detainees were arrested in December in connection with the alleged coup attempt .

He met with three envoys from the African Intergovernmental Authority on Development for Eastern Africa ( IGAD), was co on Saturday as part of efforts to agree on a truce , but he did not respond to them .

The U.S. envoy to Sudan and South Sudan, Donald Booth , who accompanied the envoys to find "one of the main things that triggered the release of detainees , which put a pre-condition before signing an agreement to stop military actions . "

"What we really need is to continue to pressure the government to find a way to allow these detainees to participate in the talks . "

After the meeting with Machar official said on Sunday that finding envoys traveled back to the capital, Juba, southern Sudan to try to persuade Kerr to release the detainees .

The official told Reuters " we have made some progress with him ( referred ) to approve certain items of a draft agreement to stop military actions . Still has the points of disagreement and we will work to resolve it. "

The envoys did not succeed so far in the release of the detainees with Kerr 's insistence on their submission to the inquiry and provide proof of his condemnation of them to justice.

The fighting was the worst in South Sudan since its independence from Sudan in 2011, as part of a peace deal that ended one of the longest civil wars in Africa . The clashes resulted in the displacement of more than 200 000 people and the decline of oil exports.

And include a copy of the draft ceasefire agreement drawn up by mediators control mechanisms to ensure the full implementation of the agreement .

Booth said that Machar also expressed "concern of military intervention in Uganda and southern Sudan, expressed his fear of the possibility of failure to respect the armistice agreement . "

The rebels accuse Uganda with the help of CARE through air strikes on their positions , a charge denied by Kampala . The Ugandan troops were patrolling in the vicinity of Juba airport and guarding the presidential palace at the request of CARE .

Booth said , " I do not think we are proceeding at an impasse . Believe that progress has been made to draft an agreement to cease hostilities

Saturday 11 January 2014

HALAIB AND SHALATIN.........IS IT A MINACE!

حلايب.. قميص عثمان للهروب من استحقاقات الخرطوم الداخلية



01-11-2014 05:59 AM
أسماء الحسينى

قبل بضعة أيام وبدون مناسبة وفى خطوة تصعيدية ، قال الرشيد هارون الوزير السودانى برئاسة الجمهورية خلال ندوة للإتحاد العام للطلاب السودانيين بأن حلايب سودانية 100%، وأن بلاده ستلجأ للمجتمع الدولى لحلها ، وهو ما أثار ردود فعل غاضبة فى القاهرة... فهل كان تصريح المسئول السودانى فعلا منفردا وعملا عفويا أم هو عمل مخطط لإثارة أزمة مع مصر وجرها إلى معركة تكون فيها فى عداء مع الشعب السودانى كله وإظهارها بمظهر المعتدى ، للتغطية على القضايا الحقيقية الشائكة المتفجرة على صعيد الداخل السودانى و فى علاقات البلدين.

الواقع يؤكد أن القضية الآن بين البلدين لاعلاقة لها بقضية حلايب على الإطلاق ، لكن يبدو أن السلطة الحاكمة فى الخرطوم درجت على جعل قضية حلايب "قميص عثمان" تشهره كلما أرادت تعكير صفو العلاقات مع مصر أو الضغط على القاهرة ، أو لصرف انتباه الداخل السودانى عن القضايا الحقيقية ومحاولة خلق حالة توحد مع الشعب الساخط عليها حول أى قضية، ولوبالعداء لمصر لبعض الوقت، إلى حين خلق قضايا أخرى إنصرافية ، مثل حالة عداء لقوى الداخل أو دولة الجنوب أو لأى من دول جواره أو قوى العالم ، أو لأى هدف حقيقى أو متوهم قادر على إثارة حمية السودانيين ونخوتهم ... فعلت ذلك مرارا وتكرارا حتى ملت قطاعات عديدة فى الشعب السودانى هذه اللعبة ، وباتت أكثر وعيا وإدراكا بأن مهددات الأمن القومى لبلدهم لاتنطلق من القاهرة أو جوبا أو أى مكان آخر، بقدر ماتنطلق من تصرفات سلطة أضرت أيما ضرر بوحدة بلدهم وحاضره ومستقبله ، وتعرضه اليوم لمزيد من الأخطار بالإصرار على السير على نفس المنوال المدمر الذى انتهجته منذ وصولها للسلطة قبل ربع قرن ، فأضر بالسودان وجيرانه ، وكثيرون اليوم فى السودان يعتقدون أن هذه السلطة من الناحية الأخلاقية غير مؤهلة للحديث عن حلايب أو غيرها ، وهى التى أضاعت على السودان بفصل جنوبه ثلث أرضه وربع سكانه ومعظم بتروله ومائه، حيث لم تبذل أى جهد للحفاظ على وحدة البلد أو حتى السلام بعد الانفصال ، وأبقت البلد فى حالة حرب مفتوحة فى كل الجبهات تؤهلها لمزيد من التشظى .

واليوم تثير حكومة الخرطوم غبارا كثيفا على مجمل المشهد بالحديث عن قضية حلايب بدلا من أن تجيب عن الأسئلة الحقيقية المثارة فى مصر حول السلاح المتدفق من داخل حدودها صوب مصر ، وعن التسهيلات التى تقدمها لاستقبال وإيواء وتهريب قيادات جماعة الإخوان المسلمين ، وعن التنسيق الذى يتم مع التنظيم العالمى للإخوان المسلمين وإيران وقطر وغيرها من القوى للإضرار بمصالح وأمن مصر، وأيضا عن الإضرار بالموقف التفاوضى المصرى فى قضية سد النهضة بالذهاب إلى التأييد الكامل غير المشروط للموقف الاثيوبى بدون حتى النظر المتأنى فى الدراسات العلمية أو النظر فى آراء الخبراء الدوليين الذين تطالب مصر الآن بالإستعانة بهم ، وكان يمكن لحكومة الخرطوم لو كان دورها مستقلا ووطنيا يضع مصلحة الشعب السودانى نصب عينيه أن تلعب دورا ما فى حل القضية ، لكنها لم تفعل ، وكثيرون من المصريين يحملونها الكثير من المسئولية عما يجرى الآن ، ليس فقط بسبب موقفها المرواغ من القضايا التى تفجرت مؤخرا بشأن المياه ، وإنما منذ تورطها فى محاولة الاغتيال الفاشلة للرئيس الأسبق حسنى مبارك التى كان لها تداعيات سلبية على علاقات مصر الإفريقية ، وحكومة الخرطوم التى تهدف للبقاء فى السلطة بأى ثمن تؤيد اليوم سد النهضة دونما قيد أو شرط بالنظر أولا إلى أمنها، حيث تخشى إن فقدت العلاقة بأديس ابابا التى كان لدعمها للحركة الشعبية لتحرير السودان بقيادة الراحل الدكتور جون قرنق فى الجنوب فى التسعينات أثرا حاسما فى تقدمها ، أن تكرر إثيوبيا الأمر ذاته مع المتمردين ضدها فى النيل الأزرق وجنوب كردفان ودافور الذين يشكلون مايعرف باسم الجبهة الثورية ، والتى تصعد القتال ضدها الآن .

وتقوم حكومة الخرطوم الآن بإثارة قضية حلايب ، بدلا من الإجابة على التساؤلات الحقيقية التى يطرحها الشعب السودانى الذى خرج فى انتفاضة عارمة فى شهر سبتمبر الماضى ، مطالبا بإسقاط النظام ، قبل أن يتم إخمادها بقبضة حديدية ، وبدلا من الإجابة على مصير حكم ينفرد بالسلطة والثروة ، ويقصى كل قوى الشعب السودانى ، واليوم يزداد الإقصاء فى داخل النظام نفسه ، وتزداد عزلته ، وتزيد معاناة عموم السودانيين فى كل مناحى الحياة ، داخل السودان ، وفى المنافى والشتات .

ورغم كل مايجرى فى مسار العلاقات المصرية السودانية الآن ، والتباين بين البلدين الذى حدث بعد ثورة يونيو وزوال حكم الإخوان المسلمين فى مصر الجماعة الأم التى يتعاطف معها ويرتبط بها حكام السودان ، تبدو القاهرة فى عهدها الجديد حريصة على الحفاظ على خصوصية العلاقة مع السودان، كما كانت دوما فى كل العهود وفى ظل كل الحكام ورغم كل التقلبات ، ولكن بالطبع لن يكون ذلك على حساب التفريط فى أمنها أو سيادتها أو مصالحها الحيوية ، وفى ذات الوقت تدرك قطاعات واسعة فى مصر شعبا وحكاما ونخبة تمام الإدراك أن العلاقة مع الشعب السودانى الضاربة فى جذور التاريخ المتوثقة بوشائج القربى وصلأت الدم والرحم لن تستقيم أو يكون لها مستقبل إلا بعلاقات ترابط وشراكة حقيقية ، تحل فيها المشكلات جميعا دون استثناء.


asmaalhusainy@hotmail.com

Saturday 4 January 2014

SUWAR AL -DAHAB

Suwar Al-Dahab: National Consensus Sole Way Out for Sudan
Khartoum – Retired Field Marshal Abdul-Rahman Suwar Al-Dahab, Former Chairman of Transitional Military Council,   has stressed that national unity, agreement and consensus are the sole way out for the country to get out of its problems and avert conspiracies being hatched against it.
Al-Dahab welcomed President Al Bashir's call last Wednesday he during celebration of Independence Day to all political forces to agree national principles to maintain the country's unity and security.
He underlined the importance of national agreement at this critical juncture, which he said the sole way out for this nation to move toward peace, development and stability.
He urged political forces to unify ranks and words and accept agreement consensually and in national spirit akin to those forces that had achieved independence. "We do not see that there are obstacles to national consensus …we have no way out but unity," Al-Dahab said, calling on all to forget their minor differences so that Sudan goes ahead.  

By Agencies, 14 hours 41 minutes ago 

Friday 3 January 2014

A confrance started!!!

Home | News    Friday 3 January 2014
South Sudan rebel delegation holds talks with IGAD mediators
By Tesfa-Alem Tekle
January 2, 2014 (ADDIS ABABA) – Negotiators from the South Sudanese government and rebels have arrived in the Ethiopian capital, Addis Ababa, but the two sides have not begun talks to end almost three weeks of violence.
Some of the rebel team members arrived on Wednesday with the remainder arriving in Addis Ababa earlier on Thursday. The government’s delegation led by former foreign minister Nhial Deng Nhial arrived on Thursday afternoon.
The rebel negotiators held talks with Ethiopia’s former foreign minister, Seyoum Mesfin who is leading the mediating team from the East African regional bloc IGAD - the Inter-Governmental Authority on Development.
The peace talks are expected to start tomorrow but Ethiopian officials have refused to confirm.
Following the talks, the rebel negotiators twice attempted to hold a press conference at the Addis Ababa Sheraton Hotel, but were prevented on both occasions by the Ethiopian authorities for undisclosed reasons.
Riek Machar, who is leading the rebels and those opposed to President Salva Kiir within the ruling SPLM, has agreed in principle to a ceasefire, but has so far maintained that a monitoring mechanism must be established before talks can begin.
It is unclear whether South Sudan’s former vice-president is sticking to this stance considering that his negotiating team has already arrived in Addis Ababa.
A source close to rebel negotiating team told Sudan Tribune that the peace talks are facing a setback from the start because Kiir failed to meet Machar’s preconditions, which include the release of all political prisoners.
Following fighting in capital Juba on December 15 between members of the Presidential Guard, Kiir accused Machar and 13 others of attempting to overthrow him. Machar and Taban Deng Gai - the former governor of Unity state who is now leading rebel’s negotiating team - managed to flee the capital, but 11 senior SPLM members were arrested.
The South Sudanese government has only agreed to release eight of the 11 detainees. Rebecca Nyandeng, the widow of the late SPLM leader John Garang was not arrested although her house was surrounded by soldiers in the days following the alleged coup.
Since the fighting began in Juba, large parts of the South Sudanese army (SPLA) soldiers defected, first in Jonglei, then in Unity and Upper Nile states.
Mediators say the talks in Ethiopia’s capital will focus entirely on reaching an immediate ceasefire agreement.
The United Nations says that at least 1,000 people have been killed and over 200,000 people displaced from their home since the violence started.
International pressure has mounted against the two factions to end hostilities. Although the trigger for the fighting appears to have been political tension within the ruling party, human rights groups and witnesses say some of the fighting has been along ethnic lines.
Catherine Ashton, the European Union (EU) high representative welcomed the meeting between parties to the conflict in South Sudan and encourage them to initiate talks immediately under the auspices of IGAD.
"An immediate ceasefire with effective monitoring established as quickly as possible is essential to spare the people of South Sudan any further suffering", Ashton said in a statement extended to Sudan Tribune.
The EU official further appealed both parties in the conflict to allow humanitarian worker and observers full access to all people in the areas under their control, but expressed concerns over reports of human rights abuses in the country.
"All parties need to be aware that any perpetrators of systematic or targeted abuses of human rights will be held accountable for their actions. In particular the protection of all civilians must be respected", she stressed.
The SPLM politicians who have recently accused Kiir of being increasingly dictatorial, are from a range of South Sudan’s many ethnic groups and have accused the president of using the army infighting to silence his critics.
The UN has called upon the sides to reach into an immediate truce to stop the ethnic-based atrocities that have characterised some of the conflict. Tens of thousands of civilians have sought shelter at UN bases.
President Kiir on Wednesday declared a state of emergency in the rebel controlled towns of Bentiu and Bor, in Unity and Jonglei state respectively.
(ST)